GANDHI: A Life. By: Krishna Kripalani. Published by: National Book Trust, India. Gandhi Autobiography or The Story of Experiments with Truth PDF, Mohandas. “Mr. Krishna Kripalani has now done for Gandhi what he had earlier done for " Amid the torrent and slush of Gandhiana released and about to be released. GANDHI: A Biography for Children and Beginners - by Ravindra Varma [EPUB] ; Gandhi's Life In His Own Words - Compiled by Krishna Kripalani [EPUB].

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Gandhiji's Autobiography Abridged - Abridged by Bharatan Kumarappa| PDF | Gandhi's Life In His Own Words - Compiled by Krishna Kripalani | E-Book. A Life Revisited. pdf epub ebooks download free, download more free pdf, epub Gandhi ; A Life Revisited [Krishna Kriplani] on Gandhi book. Read 4 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. Biography of Mahatma Gandhi.

These include works by Ernest Rhys ; E. Thompson papers were collected at the Bodleian Library, and is also marked by E. Andrews and India, deals at length and with great sympathy with the Andrews—Tagore relationship.

The earlier work of Joseph Hone also has many interesting things to say about W. Yeats and India. My Oxford D. Mitra, Partha Mitter, Rajeswari Sunder Rajan, William Radice, Tapan Raychaudhuri and Andrew Sartori, as well as the many students and scholars who have shaped my work through questions and contributions at various seminars and conferences along the way. Needless to say, none of the above is in any way responsible for the errors of fact and interpretation contained herein. At a more practical level I would like to express my particular thanks to all those who have helped me with primary research materials, not least the staff at the various reading rooms of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford; espe- cially the Modern Papers room, and in particular Mr Colin Harris.

Finally, if it were not for my wife, Sutapa Choudhury, I might never have come to know Tagore. You are both friend and inspiration. Last but not least come my baby sons, Robin and Manu: if the sleepless nights of the last three years have done little for the head, the joy you have brought to my life has done wonders for the heart.

The initiative has led to curious side effects outside India. From the very beginning a false image, Orien- talist in origin, shrouded the persona of the poet in England. Here was a pseudo-mystic, mildly seditious Oriental who could never enjoy for long the approbation of a section of the British intelligentsia who were not exactly radical in outlook.

The rest were just not interested. The uglier and less civilised aspects Foreword xv of white imperialism were not entirely irrelevant in the negative responses to Rabindranath.

How dare Caliban share a seat with Ariel or Miranda? Tagore started writing seriously in English after On that visit to England he had gone with a serious purpose, not of career-building, but of inter-cultural communication. As this book makes clear, meeting and mutual exchange among cultures was the explicitly stated mission of the poet. The Divine purpose behind all such encounters was immanent in positive exchanges.

His lectures in many parts of the world carry this message. These works reveal a brilliant mind concerned with the deeper issues of human existence: a Tagorean philosophy, which he never articu- lated in a systematic multi-volume work, but which certainly can be reconstructed and examined from his writings, as the author of this book has done.

He saw nothing good in the modern idea of a nation, as contrasted with the natural formation we call society. Tagore shared with some other great thinkers of his time, notably Romain Rolland and Albert Einstein, this deep suspicion of nationalism.

His anti-nationalism was not popular at home. One Bengali poet, Satyen Datta, summed up the sense of grievance: Behind closed doors, in the light of a lamp What nonsense do you write? Nationalism was the dominant ideology of the time. Those who stood up against it had to pay a price. By comparison, Tagore had an easier time.

However, the direction in which a preoc- cupation with narrow national interest and competition would lead could be seen from the historical experience of Europe, both recent and long term. He was suspicious of these phenomena wherever he encountered them. In their attempts to cope with contact with the West and the more painful experience of subjection, many of the nineteenth century thinkers had come up with varied answers.

Though the poet hardly ever talks of Vivekananda, in a way he comes closest to the patriotic monk who hoped to inspire the energy of the West with the wisdom inherent in the Eastern tradition, i.

Vedanta, for a grand synthesis which would transform mankind. Both believed in the moral superiority of the Indian experience. But the similarities have often been overlooked. Both Tagore and Gandhi had little faith in brown men replacing white ones as a desired improvement in the Indian situation. Freedom, to be real, had to be a liberation of the spirit.

The central idea was the recovery of the vantage points in Indian life, centred on the villages, through which India did not need to deal with the ruling power. Tagore relied for this purpose on the co-operative programme and a new system of education, based on joy and close- ness to nature while Gandhi worked out a programme of rural reconstruction and basic education, centred on vocational training.

The similarities were great though the differences should not be ignored and this book makes a genuinely new contri- bution to our understanding of their complex relationship.

Like Gandhi, Tagore found the response of hatred and anger in the face of the evident inequities of empire deeply distasteful. But there appear to have been moments when Tagore almost shared the angry rejection of his fellow subjects. His deep aversion to imperial oppression was expressed in his famous poem Prasna The Question Oh God, you have sent your messengers in every age.

They called on us to love our enemies, to root out the poison of hatred from our souls. But I ask, oh lord, those who poison your air and put out your lights, do you forgive them, is your love for them too?

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First, the small-minded choto Englishman who had come east of Suez and ran the daily business of empire with little interest and less imagination. These were the philistines who boasted of their racial superiority and laid claim to advantages based on that alleged superiority. Against such people Tagore juxtaposed the large-hearted baro people he had encountered in England, the inheritors of a great civilisation, endowed with virtue and free from meanness of spirit.

His mission was aimed at the latter, an ultimate measure of elitism. As nationalism increased in complexity, the poet tried to deal with the phenom- enon in three of his famous novels: Gora, Ghare Baire and Char Adhyay. Char Adhyay probes the pitfalls of revolutionary action. Ghare Baire The Home and the World does the same for political extremism.

Organizational contradictions, which came to the fore with Nehrus death, finally led to the split of the Indian National Congress in And then came the bold leadership of Indira Gandhi. Under her command the Congress, with the support of a range of political parties such as the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam DMK and the Communist Party of India CPI , emerged victorious in the mid-term general elections of , getting a two-thirds majority in the Lok Sabha and later, in , recovering many of the state assemblies it had lost earlier.

As these events were unfolding in India, eastern Pakistan was in the throes of momentous change. With this, the history of the subcontinent reached a turning point in The year began positively for Pakistan, with democracy on the ascent and elections looming. However, it ended with the country being partitioned: a Pakistan consisting of two geographically distant partsEast and West Pakistan separated by 1, kilometres of Indian territorybecame two nations: Pakistan and Bangladesh.

The inherent contradictions of the entity that was Pakistan as demarcated by the Radcliffe Line were evident even when the country was born, but increasingly so in the subsequent politics of the newly emergent nation.

With a minority of the population share of the country, West Pakistan had a significantly larger share of revenue allocation which facilitated industrial and infrastructural development and agricultural reforms. Not only that, West Pakistan elitesPunjabis and Afghans dominated the countrys politics, to the near exclusion of the Bengalis of East Pakistan. However, economic neglect and political exclusion were not the only issues burning East Pakistans psyche.

There was also the issue of ethnic and linguistic discrimination. Was the split, then, not inevitable? The politics of Bengal, particularly the role played by Muslim politicians and legislators, is of significance in this context. And, to understand this better, it is necessary to go back in time. As mandated by the Government of India Act , provincial assembly elections were held in throughout British India for control of the autonomous provincial assemblies.

Similarly, in Bombay, where it fell just short of gaining half the seats, it was able to draw on the support of small pro-Congress groups to form a majority.

Bengal, Assam and Punjab saw an indecisive verdict, though the Congress and Muslim League got a big chunk of seats.

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Though Sarat Chandra Bose Subhas Chandra Boses elder brother , a prominent Congress leader in Bengal and the leader of the Congress Party in the assembly, agreed to join hands with Fazlul Huq, no consensus could be reached on the joint programme. An angry Fazlul Huq decided to seek the support of the Muslim League instead. Thus a Krishak Praja Party-Muslim League coalition government, with support from scheduled caste and some independent upper-caste Hindu MLAs came to power The Muslim League took full advantage of its governmental authority in Bengal to extend its support base over the Muslim masses.

It also befriended Huq and persuaded him to join the League within a short time with many of his followers. In fact, in his anxiety to accommodate every interest that could support his government, Huq became a minority within the ministry.

This, as also his abandonment of the election pledges, caused rumblings in [the] KPP. As early as March a majority of the KPP assembly party sat with the opposition to register their protest Huq realised that he could save his ministry only with Jinnahs support and joined the League at its annual session at Lucknow in December Between and , Huq was drawn into the vortex of Muslim League politics although he never felt comfortable in the landlord-dominated party.

He became the first Premier of Bengal in joining the Muslim League shortly thereafter , but this government did not last for its full term, and collapsed in December Though he moved the famous Lahore Resolution in the Muslim League Council in later interpreted as a demand for a single state of Pakistan , he did not support the proposal for a separate dominion of Pakistan in , as a result of which his party lost miserably in the face of an ascendant Muslim League.

As Premier of Bengal, Fazlul Huqs unique contribution was in safeguarding the interests of Bengals peasantry. Rescuing them from the clutches of moneylenders, he provided the debt-burdened peasants relief through the Debt Recovery Settlement Board.

Significantly, Fazlul Huq was responsible for creating a powerful middle class which became the foundation of Bengals politics in subsequent years.

The verdict of clearly demonstrated the able leadership of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and the organizational ability of Abul Hashim, General Secretary of the Muslim League. Ahead of this election, Suhrawardy had offered Fazlul Huq a dealforty Muslim constituencies to Fazlul Huqs nominees if they filed their nominations as Muslim League candidates.

Fazlul Huq rejected the proposal outright and contested elections on a separate manifesto. The result was clear. The Muslim League won of the Muslim seats while nationalist Muslims and Fazlul Huqs party were completely washed out, as was the Congress though the Congress fared well in general seats, winning 87 out of In spite of the mandate, Suhrawardy did not form the government immediately.


With the view that a large part of the population would have no representation in such a government, he endeavoured to co-opt the Congress into a coalition. Senior leaders of both parties tried to work things out, but their efforts were unsuccessful. Consequently, on 23 April , Suhrawardy formed his cabinet with seven other members of the Muslim League and Jogendra Nath Mandal, leader of the Scheduled Castes Federation, the lone Hindu minister in the cabinet.

The family of the Nawab of Dacca was not represented in this cabinet, though the Nawab of Bogra, Muhammad Ali, held a cabinet post. Most of the ministers were from the upper middle class. This governments darkest hour came only a few months later. While it was expected that the agitation would be against the British, in Calcutta it turned into a communal confrontation between Hindus and Muslims instead.

Hindus and Sikhs were targeted on the assumption that they were opposed to the creation of Pakistan. While there are many published accounts of this period, two experiential accounts stand out.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, founder of Bangladesh and the then leader of the student wing of the Muslim League, provides a glimpse into this time of irrationally raised passions in his book, The Unfinished Memoirs,8 as does Tapan Roychowdhury in his Bangal Nama. Riots spread to Noakhali in Bengal, and then Bihar and Punjab. Hindu-Muslim amity was thrown to the winds and sanity was lost for the time being.

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This was in sharp contrast to the glorious Hindu-Muslim unity demonstrated against British rule in November , when Hindus and Muslims jointly demonstrated on the streets of Calcutta against the British policy of divide and rule.

Perceptions of safety radically changed in Calcutta from what they were before 16 August: while Calcutta streets were perceived to be safe for Hindus and Muslims before this day, they became unsafe thereafter.

The period after the Second World War was one of momentous political change in India. To resolve the crisis and effect a political resolution, a powerful ministerial mission headed by Sir Stafford Cripps was sent to India to hold discussions with ten Indian leaders to ensure their cooperation with the war efforts of the British government.

However, the mission failed as Congress leaders did not agree with the stance taken by the British government. As a result, Congress leaders were arrested and the party was banned. However, Mahatma Gandhis message reached every corner of the country, spurring people to rise against the British government in massive numbers.

The ban on the Congress was lifted, its leaders were released from jail and a dialogue between them and the British government began.

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Jinnahs choice of Mandal as a Muslim League nominee was an effort to counter the Muslim card of the Congress. Significantly, none of the other Muslim League members were from Bengal. According to the plan declared by the British government on 3 June , shadow ministries were to be set up in the to-be-partitioned provinces of Punjab and Bengal so as to look after all interests.

This done, members of the legislative assembly from Muslim majority districts and non-Muslim districts were to meet separately and decide which dominionIndia or Pakistanthey would like to join.

In the meantime, boundary commissions were set up for Punjab and Bengal and both were headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe. When on 17 August, the Radcliffe report consisting of 16 pages was released of which 9 pages were devoted to Bengal, there were many surprises. Khulna and Chittagong Hill districts, which had hoisted [the] Indian national flag two days ago, became parts of Pakistan.

Murshidabad and Malda districts which had hoisted [the] Pakistani flag were made parts of India. The districts of Jalpaiguri, Malda and Nadia remained in India while losing substantial territory from the districts to Pakistan.


On the other hand, although Jessore and Dinajpur were allotted to Pakistan, a subdivision each from both the districts Bongaon subdivision in Jessore and Balurghat subdivision in Dinajpur , were allotted to India. The state of West Bengal as it emerged from Radcliffes scissors was also moth-eaten. The districts of Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri were physically separated from West Bengal mainland.

The Muslims were sad to see that Calcutta had gone to West Bengal, as also the Muslim majority district of Murshidabad. What weighed with Radcliffe in giving Murshidabad to India while, as a compensatory measure, giving Khulna to Pakistan was that the entire length of the Hooghly river from the point where it branches off from the Ganges should be with India in order to maintain the navigability of the Calcutta port.

The Hindus were sorry that the predominantly Buddhist district of Chittagong Hill tracts had been given to Pakistan. All its normal communication routes to the outside world lay through the Chittagong district and apparently that had influenced Radcliffes judgement, although he failed to notice in his haste that the hill tracts of Chittagong had a long border with Lushai Hills district of the Indian province of Assam. As all the parties had given a guarantee that they would accept [the] Radcliffe award without any question, they had to keep quiet and accept whatever had been decreed by Radcliffe in what was by far the strangest, most illogical and arbitrarily drawn boundary line in history between two countries.

Suhrawardy were totally opposed to the partition of the provinceand Congress and Muslim League leaders met on several occasions to work out a formula to avoid it. In his book, The Unfinished Memoirs, Mujibur Rahman wrote of a conspiracy against Suhrawardy while the partition plan was being finalized.

His claim that the Muslim League leadership in Bengal was kept in the dark about the partition of Bengal is hardly surprising given Suhrawardys unambiguous position and his support for an undivided Bengal. The cross-party discussions in Bengal yielded a formula, an important ingredient of which was that a constituent assembly would be elected by the people of Bengal and the elected members of this assembly would then decide whether to join India or Pakistan or remain independent. This formula was endorsed by the provincial Muslim League Council.

WhenSarat Chandra Bose who had joined hands with Suhrawardy after being pushed out of the interim government , Kiran Shanker Roy, Suhrawardy and other Muslim League leaders laid out this formula, the Congresss central leadership rejected it.

We must have Calcutta in India. Thus disappointed, they returned home. The ground reality, too, made the task of the proponents of an undivided Bengal difficult. After the riots of Calcutta and Noakhali, Hindus were wary and hesitant of living in a province dominated by a Muslim majority, as would be the case in an undivided Bengal.

Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, President of the All India Hindu Mahasabha and a prominent leader of Bengal, was a strong supporter of a partitioned Bengal and was able to influence the public mood substantially in its favour. At that moment, he emerged as the undisputed leader of Bengali Hindus. In this scenario, therefore, the Governor General refused to consider any new scheme unless it was agreed to by both the Congress and the Muslim League.

In the meantime, Suhrawardys popularity rapidly declined because of the almost continuous communal rioting in Bengal as also due to his support and strong advocacy for a united Bengal. On the pretext that he had been elected to the Bengal assembly from a constituency which fell in West Bengal, he lost his position as the leader of the Muslim League in the East Bengal assembly toSir Khawaja Nazimuddin, Nawab of Dacca, who declared that Dacca would be the capital of East Bengal.

In his autobiography, Mujibur Rahman claims that by doing this, Khawaja Nazimuddin completely blocked the chance of staking a claim to Calcutta as the capital of Pakistan. According to him, if Calcutta had become a part of East Bengal, it would certainly have been the capital of Pakistan. He also claimed that Suhrawardys overall popularity among the Muslim masses of Bengal would have propelled him to the office of Prime Minister of Pakistan.

The genesis of Bangladesh remained in this discord within the Muslim League and marginalization of several prominent leaders like H. Suhrawardy, Fazlul Huq and Abul Hashim. After Partition, the Muslim League in Bengal was largely dominated by zamindars and landed aristocrats.

In his book, Mujibur Rahman stated that Suhrawardys drive to abolish the zamindari system was one of the reasons for his defeat in the leadership election of the Muslim League in East Bengal, as a large number of legislators were zamindars.

Even when Mujibur Rahman tried to influence the newlyelected Sylhet legislator to support Suhrawardy, he failed. It is said that when they came to participate in the leadership election, they demanded three ministerial berths from Suhrawardy and a commitment that the zamindari system would not be abolished.

Suhrawardy refused to make any commitment and they voted against him. Significant changes in national politics, too, further accentuated the marginalization of East Bengal politicians.

Ghulam Mohammads appointment marked the ascendancy of bureaucrats in Pakistans politics. In fact, the real rulers of Pakistan were the civil servants, the military and the landed aristocrats who, along with certain industrial groups, held overwhelming control. The central Muslim League leadership kept a few East Pakistan leaderslike Nazimuddin and Muhammad Ali of Bograin the forefront to showcase that East Bengal leaders were also participants in the overall Pakistani establishment.

But they were used as puppets to serve the interests of the real rulers. As in the formation of government so also in the leadership of the Muslim League, the middle-class intelligentsia, which emerged in the s, was marginalized, for which the Muslim League paid a heavy price in the election to the East Bengal legislative assembly.

In the meantime, the rashtrabhasha national language agitation gained momentum. Muslim League leaders, including Jinnah, were adamant that Urdu be the national language of Pakistan. The Pakistan constituent assembly discussed the issue in February , and almost all Muslim League members backed this demand. Babu Dhirendranath Datta, a Congress member of the assembly, voiced the demand that Bengali be added as the other national language, given that it was the mother tongue of the majority of the population of the country.It might be urged on the other hand, that persons who feel aggrieved, may transmit representations to the Court of Directors [of the East India Company], and thus obtain redress; but the natives of this country are generally ignorant of this mode of proceeding; and with neither friends in England nor knowledge of the country, they could entertain no hope of success, since they know that the transmission of their representations, depends in point of time, upon the pleasure of the local Government, which will probably, in order to counteract their influence, accompany them with observations, the nature of which would be totally unknown to the complainants, Rammohan R oy 41 discouragements which in fact have operated as complete preventives, so that no instance of such a representation from the Natives of Bengal has ever been known.

He was suspicious of these phenomena wherever he encountered them. India was once a territory ruled over by Europeans; now, it is an independent nation-state. It begins with Rammohan Roy, who was perhaps the first Indian thinker to seriously engage with the challenge of the West. When, in the middle decades of the last century, England and France found their national sovereignty threatened by Nazi Germany, the patriots who led the resistance also wrote most evocatively about it.

In India, after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi on 30 January , the mantle of leading the nation fell on Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the architect of modern India. Significant changes in national politics, too, further accentuated the marginalization of East Bengal politicians.

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